Monday, Jun. 27, 2011
The
End of Cheap Labor in China
By Bill Powell
On
May 25, U.S. businessman Charles Hubbs made the short trek to Hong Kong from his
office just outside Guangzhou, a city in Guangdong province in southeastern
China that is known for good reason as the manufacturing workshop of the world.
For the 64-year-old native of Louisiana, it was a trip that may have marked the
beginning of the end of his successful 22-year run as a China-based exporter of
medical supplies.
Hubbs
was going to listen to a pitch from the American ambassador in Cambodia, Carol
Rodley, and the president of the American Chamber of Commerce in Phnom Penh.
Their aim was simple: to get foreign investors, particularly those already with
operations in China, to consider setting up shop in Cambodia. Hubbs was all
ears. To hear him tell it, the price of labor is on the brink of making his
firm, Guangzhou Fortunique, which supplies some of the U.S.'s biggest health
care companies, uncompetitive. "We've seen our wage costs in China go up nearly
50% in the last two years alone," he says. "It's harder to keep workers on now,
and it's more expensive to attract new ones. It's gotten to the point where I'm
actively looking for alternatives. I think I'll be out of here entirely in a
couple of years." (See "As China Economy Grows, So Does Labor
Unrest.")
He
is not alone. In what is supposed to be a land of unlimited cheap labor — a
nation of 1.3 billion people, whose extraordinary 20-year economic rise has been
built first and foremost on the backs of low-priced workers — the game has
changed. In the past decade, according to Helen Qiao, chief economist for
Goldman Sachs in Hong Kong, real wages for manufacturing workers in China have
grown nearly 12% per year. That's the result of an economy that's been growing
by double digits annually for two decades, fueled domestically by a frenzied
infrastructure and housing build-out — one that, for now anyway, continues apace
— combined with what was for a time an almost unquenchable thirst for Chinese
exports in the developed world. Add to that the fact that in the five largest
manufacturing provinces, the Chinese government — worried about an ever widening
gap between rich and poor — has raised the minimum wage 14% to 21% in the past
year. To Harley Seyedin, president of the American Chamber of Commerce in South
China, the conclusion is inescapable: "The era of cheap labor in China is
over."
Mind
you, that doesn't mean that labor costs in China, even in the most expensive
parts of the country like Guangdong province, are higher than in most other
places, particularly in the developed world. They aren't. The average
manufacturing wage in China is still only about $3.10 an hour, (compared with
$22.30 in the U.S.), though in the eastern part of the country, it's up to 50%
more than that. The hourly cost advantage, while still significant, is shrinking
rapidly. For the vast majority of companies, whether small, medium-size or huge
multinationals, the decision about where to produce a product is always driven
by multiple factors, of which the cost of labor is but one. "For lots of
companies over the past two decades, the disparity was such that labor costs
often drove the decision," says economist Daniel Rosen, the China director and
principal of the Rhodium Group, a a New York City–based consulting firm. "Now,
increasingly, that's no longer the case." (See portraits of Chinese workers.)
The
ripple effects of this new reality are enormous, and they flow globally. Start
with China itself. The push for higher wages, constrained for so many years,
sparked a series of high-profile labor protests last year. (Worker discontent
was also reflected by 14 suicides at Foxconn, the large manufacturer that
produces goods like the iPad.) But higher wages have also improved things in
China's western region, where the government has long tried to encourage
investment. In the past year, many multinational and Chinese companies have
expanded or relocated inland, where labor is still cheap.
From
China's perspective, that's exactly the sort of trade-off it seeks. As Andy
Rothman, chief China macro strategist at CLSA Securities in Shanghai, says,
"People in Sichuan or Henan or wherever can stay closer to home and find a
good-paying job" instead of having to flood east each year to live in a company
dormitory far away from their families. "How is this a bad thing?"
See China's mining pit.
It's
not. Ask Wu Dingli, a 24-year-old from Ziyang, a city in Sichuan, who for five
years had been working in a small electronics factory in Dongguan, the huge,
dreary factory town between Guangzhou and Shenzhen in the southeast. She was
laid off in late 2008, when the global financial crisis temporarily crippled
Chinese exports to the West. A year later, she found a job on the production
line of a company that supplies electric cables to, among other customers, a
Hewlett-Packard personal-computer plant in Chongqing. She says she's making
"only a bit less" than she did before, "but life is much easier for me here
because I'm closer to home. I much prefer this job to the old one."
The
changing economics of Made in China will benefit both the rich and poor world.
Countries like Cambodia, Laos, India and Vietnam are picking up some of the
cheapest labor manufacturing left by the Chinese. And according to a recent
study by the Boston Consulting Group (BCG), there is already evidence of at
least the beginning of a shift in manufacturing operations returning to the U.S.
Last year, Wham-O, the company that makes inexpensive, albeit iconic, toys,
announced it was moving 50% of its Frisbee and Hula Hoop production back to the
U.S. from China and Mexico, a move that created hundreds of new American
jobs. (See pictures of the making of modern China.)
Toymaking,
of course, along with footwear and textiles, was among the first industries to
head to China as the cheapest source of reliable production. It's a
labor-intensive, relatively low-tech industry — one that most economists assumed
would be gone forever once it left. But a look at how the economics have changed
over the past decade sheds some light on why companies like Wham-O are deciding
to return. According to the BCG study, in 2000, China's average wage rate was
36% of the U.S.'s, adjusted for productivity. By the end of 2010, that gap had
shrunk to 48%, and BCG estimates that it will be 69% in 2015. "So while the
discussion in the short term favors China," says Hal Sirkin, senior partner at
BCG and the author of the recent study, "the spread is getting down to a smaller
and smaller number. Increasingly what you're seeing [in corporate boardrooms] is
a discussion not necessarily about closing production in China but about 'Where
I will locate my next plant?'"
Perhaps
the most important effect of rising wages in China is that they will put more
money in people's pockets, which is something that's in the interest of everyone
— most emphatically Beijing's major trading partners, who urgently need China to
increase its consumption in order to reduce drastic imbalances in global trade.
As much as higher wages may cut into the bottom line of exporters like Charles
Hubbs and thousands of Chinese-owned companies across a wide range of
industries, the process is the inevitable result of China's becoming a wealthier
country with a stronger currency. "It's exactly what needs to happen," says
Rosen. (See "China: The Road to Prosperity.")
Many
multinationals, meanwhile, have long since begun to focus their China
manufacturing operations on the vast Chinese market. That HP factory in
Chongqing produces its laptops only for the home market. In a survey eight years
ago, the American Chamber of Commerce in South China found that 75% of its
members were focused mainly on export markets. By last year, that number had
flipped: 75% of 1,800 respondents now say their manufacturing operations in
China are focused on serving the Chinese market. That's mainly because China's
workers are steadily getting richer. For them, and pretty much everyone else
concerned, that's the rarest of commodities in a troubled global economy: good
news.